The Macdonalds at Culloden by Andrew Lang.

The Appendix to Volume IV of Andrew Lang’s “History of Scotland” here reproduced is intended to help destroy once and for all the oft-repeated myth, of which many present day writers are still guilty that the MacDonalds refused to charge at Culloden-N.H.M.

Appendix- The Death of Keppoch.

In the text I have given an account of the behaviour of the Highland left wing at Culloden, derived from the official despatches, letters, and narratives of eye-witnesses, Jacobite and Hanoverian. In these first-hand contemporary records we find no indignation expressed against the conduct of the Macdonalds, and in the many statements by companions of Prince Charles in his wanderings he is never said to reproach the clan for their behaviour in the field. The well-known story that the delay, or refusal, of Keppoch’s regiment to charge caused Keppoch to cry, “My God, have the children of my tribe forsaken me!” does not appear in print, to my knowledge, before it is given in the last volume of Scott’s “Tales of a Grandfather,” in 1830. (Slight variations in the phrase occur; the words were spoken in Gaelic).

Though I do not find earlier than 1830 the report of these melancholy words, Home gives an account of the Death of Keppoch in his “History of the Rebellion” (1802). Home writes: [1]

“When the Macdonalds’ regiment retreated without having attempted to attack sword in hand, Macdonald of Keppoch advanced with his drawn sword in one hand and his pistol in the other: he had got but a little way from his regiment when he was wounded by a musket-shot, and fell. A friend, who had followed, conjuring him not to throw his life away, said that the wound was not mortal – that he might easily rally his regiment, and retreat with them. Keppoch desired him to take care of himself, and, going on, received another musket-shot, and fell to rise no more.” [2]

Here Home does not say that the Macdonalds refused to charge from a feeling of  injured pride, though, in a note, he indicates that this was their motive. Lord George Murray, as we saw, says that his left wing did not go in, “at least not sword in hand”; and we have quoted Cumberland’s and Colonel Yorke’s evidence, with that of Ker of Graden. The whole line advanced, but the left tried to draw the English fire before attempting a final rush through the fire zone. At Prestonpans the British had “Tired too soon,” says Murray of Broughton, and the left of the Prince’s army at Culloden tried to make them do so again. It is especially to be noted that Home (who is misinformed) does not describe Keppoch as making his charge while his clan was facing the foe, and might be fired by his example. Keppoch advanced “when the Macdonalds’ regiment retreated.” Whether Home wrote this on the evidence of letters or written reminiscences, or of oral communications, he does not inform us. That Home’s account had not been published before he gave it, appears from a remark of Dr. Angus Macdonald, of the Keppoch family, whose “Family Memoir” was written at intervals between 1801 and 1820. Dr. Macdonald had heard tales of the Rising from “the few aged Highlanders of his clan who survived in Edinburgh … Keppoch’s name was a guard against almost every depredation in their various marches and sojournings.” Dr. Macdonald, from the time when he could read, had heard of the high character of Keppoch, especially from lady Frances Wemyss and Sir James Stewart of Coltness, “but till John Home wrote his History [published 1802], I do not remember that any account of that accomplished man’s heroic death was ever given to the public as he has related it.” [3]

Home gives no authority, nor does Sir Walter Scott, who says that Lord George Murray failed to make the Macdonalds charge – an obvious error, as Lord George was fighting on the extreme right. Scott must refer to the Duke of Perth, who commanded on the left: of him does Home tell the anecdote that he vainly prayed the Macdonalds to advance. Scott goes on:

“It was equally in vain that the gallant Keppoch charged with a few of his near relations, while his clan, a thing before unheard of, remained stationary. The chief was near the front of the enemy, and was exclaiming, with feelings which cannot be appreciated, “My God, have the children of my tribe forsaken me!” At this instant he received several shots, which closed his earthly account, leaving him only time to advise his favourite nephew to shift for himself.” [4]

Here Keppoch is not said, as by Home, to fall a devoted victim of honour in a desperate advance “when the Macdonalds’ regiment retreated,” but to rush on with a few of his kin, while his clan, still fighting the foe, “remained stationary.” In fact he led, in the usual manner, according to Scott, a charge in which he was not followed. Finding himself almost alone, he utters the reproach against his clan which Home does not assign to him, falls under several shots, and bids “His favourite nephew” shift for himself. The two accounts thus vary essentially, and both are erroneous, especially where they imply that Keppoch was deserted by his regiment.

Lord Mahon follows Scott:

“In vain did Keppoch rush forward to the charge with a few of his kinsmen; the clan … would not follow: calmly they beheld their chief brought to the ground by several shots from the enemy; calmly they heard the dying words which he faltered “My God, have the children of my tribe forsaken me!” Thus they stood while the right and centre of their army was put to the rout, and then falling back in good order they joined the remnant of the second line.” [5]

Here lord Mahon, more mistaken than his predecessors, makes Keppoch utter his reproach after he fell, and his version is highly injurious to the whole clan. Neither Home, Scott, nor Mahon quotes the contemporary English despatches extant even in the patchwork book called “Young Juba” (1748), and in the contemporary Histories of the Rising. Ker of Garden and Maxwell of Kirkconnell, eyewitnesses, are both neglected; neither of them describes the behaviour of the Macdonalds as unworthy. Hill Burton, who does not mention Keppoch, throws doubt on “the accusation against the MacDonalds, of having stood inactive, in their wrath about the question of precedence.” [6]

The Messrs Macdonald, in “Clan Donald” (ii. 665:1900), represent Keppoch as advancing with drawn sword, exclaiming, “My God, has it come to this, that the children of my clan have forsaken me!” He rushes forward:

 “followed by a handful of his Lochaber clansmen, among whom were his brother, Donald, who was killed, Angus Ban his son, and Donald Roy Macdonald of Baleshare. He had not proceeded far when he was struck by a musket-ball and fell. His kinsmen then rallied round him, and endeavoured in vain to persuade him to leave the field, for he was not yet mortally wounded. He advanced once more, received another shot, and fell to rise no more. At this point his kinsman, Donald Roy Macdonald rushed forward to help him, when the gallant chief, looking at him, said, “0 God, have mercy upon me; Donald, do the best you can for yourself, for I am gone.”

No authority is cited (‘Clan Donald,’ ii.663).

As will presently appear, we have the account given to Bishop Forbes by Donald Roy Macdonald, and it is not in accordance with the narrative of the Messrs Macdonald.

We now turn to accounts given in 1747-1748: first, we have a compilation, by an uncertain hand, of narratives from persons in London in 1746-47, of whom only one, Malcolm MacLeod of Brea, was at Culloden. “From the centre to the left, they [the clans, including “part of the Macdonalds] never got up to give their fire.” Keppoch was next to the extreme left, held by Glengarry: “Lochiel and Keppoch, being both soon wounded in the advancing, were carried off, which their men observing, immediately they fled, which so alarmed all the corps to the left that they gave way in confusion.” From this account it seems, and it is true, that the Keppoch men charged with the centre and right, Keppoch at their head. He fell, like Lochiel, and like Lochiel, says the narrative, was carried off the field. [7]

If Malcolm MacLeods of Brea was the source of this information, it is important. The MacLeods are represented in a map of Culloden Moor, which appears to be a more carefully designed copy of Colonel Yorke’s, as stationed between the Mackintoshes on their right and the Macleans on their left; the Clanranald regiment was next, on the Maclean left, and then came Keppoch’s regiment. [8] It is certain that the Mackintoshes and the Macleans charged with desperate courage, losing heavily. The Macleans, writes Lochgarry, “would have been about 200 … I believe 50 of their number did not come off the field.” [9]

Granting then, that MacLeod of Brea is the narrator, and that the MacLeods were posted, as on the map, so that the Macleans and Clanranald were between them and Keppoch’s men, we learn that “part of the Macdonalds” did, and part did not, “get up to give their fire,” and that Keppoch, like Lochiel, “was soon wounded in the advancing.” and was, like Lochiel, “carried off.” Their men “immediately fled,” and “alarmed all the corps to the left, so that they gave way in confusion.” This is all unlike Scott’s version, “The three regiments of the Macdonalds were by this time [after Keppoch’s fall] aware of the retreat of their right wing, and retired in good order upon the second line.” The narrative, which may be MacLeod’s, thus indicates that Keppoch fell wounded in the general charge, and was carried off, but in no way suggests that he had reason to complain of being deserted by his clan.

We now come to the evidence of Captain Donald Roy Macdonald, a brother of Hugh Macdonald of Baleshare, in North Uist, and a cadet of the House of Macdonald of Sleat, Donald Roy was a great maker of Latin verses, was first in Keppoch’s and later a captain in Clanranald’s regiment. A month or two after the battle he composed a Latin poem, in which he says that he saw Keppoch fall, but gives no details. On January 12, 1748, he visited Bishop Forbes, and “gave me what follows,” says the Bishop: [10]

“At the battle of Culloden in the retreat, Captain Roy Macdonald saw Keppoch fall twice to the ground, and knows no more about him, but that upon the second fall, looking at Donald Roy Macdonald, he spoke these words, ‘0 God, have mercy me. Donald, do the best for yourself, for I am gone.'”

We have here the earliest recorded version, at first-hand, of Scott’s Story about Keppoch’s farewell to “his favourite nephew” (sic) whom he bade to “shift for himself,” and of Home’s “friend who had followed …Keppoch desired him to shift for himself, and, going on, received another musket-shot, and fell to rise no more.” We have here the fact that Keppoch “fell twice,” and we have his adjuration, “O God!” but no word of his being deserted by the clansmen of his. But in Donald Roy’s account, as in Home’s, Keppoch falls “when Macdonalds’ regiment retreated,” “in the retreat” – not, as in Scott and Mahon, while his regiment faces the foe. Keppoch falls twice, and his unselfish words – “do the best for yourself” – after the second fall. The Messrs Macdonald, in “Clan Donald,” as we have seen, represent Donald Roy as rushing forward to aid Keppoch when he falls in the advance, which is not the version given by Donald himself to Bishop Forbes. Donald candidly avers that he took Keppoch at his word, and did not stay to assist in carrying him off the field.

Donald, “in walking off the field,” was struck by a bullet from behind which went in at the sole and out at the buckle of his shoe. As he pursued his flight, he passed another Macdonald, of Belfinlay, who had probably fallen early in the advance, and had both his legs shot through, [11]  “and was betwixt the fire of the English and that of the few French troops that made some resistance after the Highlanders were routed.” Belfinlay attests [12] that Donald Roy spoke to him with pity as lay but could not help him, being himself wounded. “The big bones of Belfinlay’s legs” were shattered above the ankles, by grape-shot, as he said, and a piece of iron was extracted. [13] The evidence suggests that the Macdonalds advanced under a heavier fire than has been supposed, while the French tried to cover their retiral. Donald Roy was, later, in Skye, of great service to the Prince in the crisis of his distresses. [14]

I now examine the version of a compilation styled “Young Juba, or The History of the Young Chevalier … Translated from the original Italian published at Rome by Mr. Michell, formerly Secretary to the Old Chevalier, London, 1748.” The early date, 1748, alone makes it desirable to notice this volume. Michel Vezazi was a servant of Prince Charles – his valet de chambre, says Johnstone. [15] The patchwork text scarcely even pretends to be by Michel Vezazi. In describing Culloden, the author, following an English source, speaks of the Prince’s army as “the Rebels,” says “we gave our men a day’s halt at Nairn,” and “our advanced guard was composed of about 40 of Kingston’s horse …” [16] In the following page the author prints, with acknowledgement (p.199), much of Cumberland’s despatch of April 18,1746! He describes the attack of the Highland left in Cumberland’s very words: “They came down three several times within a hundred yards of out men:… after these faint attempts they made off …”

The author represents old Glengarry as receiving the Prince, after the battle, “in the most handsome manner” (p.233). We know that Invergarry House was empty, and that a salmon was caught for the breakfast of the fugitives by one of themselves. [17] Lochiel three days later, “came to Glengarry, where he met his ushappy master” (p.234). This is notoriously false: Charles had retired to Glenpean, and never met Lochiel again till August 30. [18] Finally, Mr. Michel’s account of Keppoch is that, “being wounded in the very heat and fury of the battle, two [of his clan] took hold of his legs, a third supported his head, while the rest posted themselves around him as an impenetrable bulwark, and in that manner carried him from the field, over the small river Nairne, to a place of safety” (p.234). All this although, according to the author, the Highland left wing took no part in “the heat and fury of the battle,” but “made off” after three “faint attempts.” Mr. Michell represents Charles and Lochiel as hearing of Keppoch’s fall at Glengarry, three days after the battle, where they held, on April 19, a meeting borrowed from the actual Murlaggan meeting of May 8 at which Charles, of course, was not present. [19]

The book of “Young Juba” is, in fact, incoherent, false, and self-contradictory, but the compiler has heard that Keppoch fell “in the heat and fury of the action,” that he was not deserted, but surrounded by his whole regiment, and that he was carried to a place of safety across the Water of Nairn. If any or all of these statements in “Young Juba” be correct, it is by accident. The impudent author makes the Prince stay with Lochiel for several weeks, apparently after his flight to the isles, and go to Keppoch House, where he and Lochiel meet the clan, “just returned from Keppoch’s funeral”! (p.246). Three days later the Prince “set out for the isles.” He really set out on April 26, and never went near Keppoch House after Culloden. [20]

I now offer the reminiscences of an eyewitness. Angus Ban MacDonell, a son of Keppoch, who fought at Culloden. He was then twenty years of age, and his reminiscences were recorded in writing by his son John, grandson of Keppoch. I owe the passage, with other information, to Miss Josephine MacDonell of Keppoch, who has kindly given me much valuable aid. The passage is written in an answer to queries by an historical student, apparently Dr. Gregory, author of the “History of the Highlands.”

Notes of John MacDonell, Son of Angus Ban, and Grandson of Keppoch.

“10. Query: Keppoch was vexed that they hesitate, and called out, “Mo Dhia, an do threig Clann mo chinnidh mi.” (My God, have the Clansmen of my name deserted me); he rushed in front of his own regiment, and before he had gone very far he received a musket-shot. The rest of the Macdonalds were advancing too, but it was not that shot that killed him, it was the second shot that was mortal. [21]

“14. When they were carrying Keppoch off the field my father said there was a lad from the Braes to bring his own father away too, badly wounded, and when the man saw it was the chief, he made his son put him down, as he was gone anyway, and help to save the body of the chief. They brought him to a bothy at some distance away, thinking he would be safe from the dragoons, and that they could dress his wounds, but he was dead by the time they laid him down. There were a number of other wounded men in this bothy, and some were dead; and it was later set fire to by the orders of the brutal Cumberland.

“15. The sword and the dirk have not been found; [22] my father took them from Keppoch’s body before he left the bothy, and carried them all the time he was making his way to the Braes till he came just above Keppoch, and as he was closely pursued he plunged them one after the other into the moss as far as his arm could reach, while he kept going on, and he thought he knew the spot, but he could never find it again. They would likely sink deeper in the bog, unless a stone stopped them. A search has often been made since, but not a trace has appeared.

“The Keppoch clan were the last to lay down their arms.”

These notes are reminiscences of the conversation of Angus Ban, and must be understood in the light of sworn legal depositions, which I proceed to give. The evidence is of July 24, 1752, and is the basis of a judicial decreet (1756) in favour of Ranald MacDonell, Keppoch’s son, for the evidence was accepted as proving Keppoch’s death before his forfeiture. Ranald was therefore reinstated in lands held under the Duke of Gordon.

Excerpt From Decreet Sustaining the Claim of Ronald MacDonnell to the Property of the Lands of Auch-na-Coahine and Others.

Register of Decreets (Mackenzie’s office), Vol. 482 10th January 1756.

Record Here:

The Decreet narrates, inter alia, that James Macdonnell of Keilachomet, John Mackennier in Auchlorach, Angus Ferguson in Keppoch, and John Macdonell of Blairour  were summoned as witnesses, and “compeared  severally upon the twenty-fourth of the said month of July [1752], in presence of the Lord Justice-Clerk, Lord Ordinary on the oaths and witnesses, and the said James Macdonell being solemnly sworn, purged, and interrogate, He deponed that he was with Alexander Macdonell of Keppoch at the Battle of Culloden, and observing him wounded in the right arm, the Deponent took hold of him, and as they were retireing, Keppoch received a shot tharrow the Back, upon which Keppoch fell, and the Deponent then left him lying on the ground; but the Deponent upon reflection, after he had gone a few paces, returned back to see whether Keppoch was alive or dead, and found him dead, where he fell, and thereupon the Deponent left him. Deponed then, the Deponent told to many persons, immediately after the Battle, that Keppoch was killed, and that he left him dead in the field of Battle, and amongst others told it to John Macdonald in Blairour. Deponed that he has heard it rumoured in Neighbouring Countries that Keppoch was alive after the Battle of Culloden, and that he had been carried off the field by the Argyle Shire Militia, but he knew it be false from what he had seen himself, and that none of Keppoch’s friends gave credit to any such report. Deponed that Keppoch’s lady was brought to bed on Sunday before the Battle of Culloden, which happened on Wednesday the sixteenth of Aprile one thousand seven hundred and fourty-six. And that the Deponent in his way returning home after the Battle told her of her husband’s being killed, for which he was reproved by severall of Keppoch’s friends, Considering the situation the lady was then in Causa scientie.

The Deponent was a Captain of Keppoch’s Regiment at the Battle of Culloden, and saw and did as above deponed on, and this was the Truth as he should answer to God. The said John Mackennier being solemnly sworn, purged, and interrogate in the Irish language by Lauchlan Grant, writer in Edinburgh, sworn Interpreter appointed by the said Lord Ordinary, in respect the witness could speak no English. Deponed that he, the Deponent, was a soldier in Keppoch’s Regiment, and was in the Battle of Culloden in the Company commanded by Macdonell of Tulloch, and as the Deponent was retireing from the Battle he observed Keppoch lying upon his face on the field, and the Deponent raising Keppoch up a little found he was dead, and perceived that his right arm was broke, and that he was wounded tharrow the Body, about the right pape, and observed some blood about his brows, but perceived no wound there, and thereupon the Deponent went off and left him. Deponed that the Deponent heard it, rumoured in neighbouring Countries that Keppoch was alive after the battle, but that the Deponent knew it to be false, Causa scientie patet, and this was the Truth as he should answer to God, and deponed he could not write. The said Angus Ferguson being also solemnly sworn, purged, and interrogate in the Irish language by the said Lauchlan Grant, sworn Interpreter appointed as aforesaid in respect the witness could speak no English, Deponed that he, the Deponent, was servant to Keppoch at the Battle of Culloden, and acted as a Serjant in his Company, and in time of the action he, observed Keppoch receive a wound in his right arm, and at the same time Keppoch, observing his Brother Donald, who commanded a Company that day in Keppoch’s Regiment, advancing with his Company beyond the line of Battle towards the King’s Troops, Keppoch sent the Deponent with a message to his Brother Donald desiring him to keep in the line with his Company, and the Deponent returning in a few minutes found Keppoch lying Dead upon the field much about the place where he left him; and the Deponent, taking hold of Keppoch as he was lying with his face downward, observed that his right arm was broke, and that he was shot in the Body below the right pape. Deponed that he told no Body after he returned from the Battle for some time, that Keppoch was killed, and his reason for so doing was that he understood Keppoch’s friends were angry with Mr. Macdonell of Keilachomet, a former Deponent, for acquainting Lady Keppoch of her husband’s death, because of the Lady’s situation at the time, she being in child-bed. Deponed that he has heard it reported in Neighbouring Countries that Keppoch was alive after the Battle, but that the Deponent knew the report to be false and without any foundation, Causa scientie patet, and this was the Truth as he should answer to God, and Deponed he could not write. And the said John Macdonell in Blairour being also solemnly sworn, purged, and interrogate, Deponed that he, the Deponent, was an officer in Keppoch’s Regiment, and was present and in the action at Culloden. That immediately after the Battle was over he was told by Mr. Macdonell of Keilachomet that Keppoch was killed and left dead on the field, and Deponed that he saw Keppoch that Day advancing upon the head of his Regiment in time of the action towards the Regular Troops, and that he himself never saw him since, nor ever saw any other person that seed him, and that Keppoch’s Lady and his friends believe that he was actually killed on that Day. Deponed that the Deponent has heard it rumoured in neighbouring Countries that Keppoch was alive after the Battle of Culloden, but the Deponent believes that Report to be false, and has reason to believe so. Considering he lives near to Keppoch’s house, and his connection with the family, that if Keppoch was alive it would not have been concealed from him; and further Deponed that severall others besides Mr. Macdonell of Keillachomet told him that they saw Keppoch dead in the field, Causa scientie patet, and this was the Truth as he should answer to God. Which oaths of the said James Macdonell and John Macdonell are signed by them respectively and the said Lord Ordinary. And the oaths of the said John Mackennier and Angus Ferguson are signed by the said Lauchlan Grant and the said lord Ordinary, as the said oaths extant in process bears.” Claim to lands sustained. [23]

From this unimpeachable testimony, candid as it obviously is, we see that, at the moment of his first wound, Keppoch was leading on his whole regiment. It follows that his famous words, “My God, have the clansmen of my name deserted me!” as quoted in the reminiscences of Angus Ban, given above, must have been spoken during a moment of hesitation, when orders to advance were first given. The words had their natural effect. The clan followed their chief into the fire zone, and one company, that of Keppoch’s brother Donald, even needed to be checked, so as to preserve “the line of battle.” At that moment Keppoch’s right arm was shattered: he gave, however, the command to keep the line. But the effects of the heavy round musket-bullet, or grapeshot, half paralysed him, and Macdonell of Keilachomet was supporting him for a few steps towards the rear, when he fell, mortally wounded. As his son says, “it was the second shot that was mortal.” He does not, as far as his words are reported, say that the second shot was received in a second attempt to advance. Apparently the kinsmen of Keppoch perceived sparks of life in him, which the three witnesses of 1752 failed to discover. They bore him to a hut, but he was dead when they left him there. The clan bard thus sings:

Lament Composed to Keppoch, Killed at Culloden, by his Own Bard, Alasdair Cameron in Dochansaidh.

Literal Translation:

1st Verse:

A fortnight before the first of May
Misfortune [or loss] fell sorely upon us,
As we were marshalled in rank Against an enemy on a height.

left the Chief of the Braes [24]
On the field of Battle without breath of life,
And none of his relatives to staunch the blood of his wound. 

Last Verse:

Painful to me the scattering
That overtook the army of the North,
And not the least cause of my sorrow
Among the losses we sustained MacRanald [25] of Keppoch
(Who was no weakling in his harness of steel,
A most intrepid leader of men):
Cause of the shock of sorrow his being in the grave 

The poem is translated by Miss Josephine MacDonell, who kindly communicates it. I need not give the copious contemporary evidence as to that general disbelief in Keppoch’s death which is attested by witnesses of 1752. The actual truth is now plain, and the Keppoch Macdonalds are entirely cleansed of the charge of deserting their chief in the action. It is evident that the clan charged with the chief, and that the company of his brother Donald (who also fell in fight) even out ran the line. From Mackennier’s evidence it is clear that, as Keppoch’s body was discovered by him “when retireing,” the advance continued after the chief was down. To account for the casualties in the advance, as the infantry of the enemy did not fire, we must accept the evidence that grapeshot was galling the Highland left. Scothouse, with twenty of his following, also fell, as we learn from the Memoirs of one of the family. With Scothouse, Keppoch, and his brother down, the advance ceased. The discrepant evidence of Donald Roy Macdonald must be due to confusion of memory – though, as he testified four years before the witnesses of 1752, he had little excuse for inaccuracy – or to some other cause, about which we can only conjecture.


[1] Home, p.239. 

[2] Home, p.239.

[3] A Family Memoir of the Macdonalds of Keppoch, by Angus Macdonald MD: 1885.

[4] Tales of a Grandfather, Third Series, chap. xxiii.

[5] Mahon, iii. 437:1839. 

[6] History of Scotland, viii, 490, 491.

[7] The Lyon in Mourning, i. 67, 68.

[8] King’s Maps, British Museum, II. Tab. 48 (22).

[9] Blaikie, p.121.

[10] The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 46.

[11] The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 4.

[12] The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 248.

[13] The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 230.

[14] The Lyon in Mourning, ii. 20.

[15] Johnstone, p.2.

[16] Young Juba, p.199.

[17] Blaikie, p.46, note 3; The Lyon in Mourning, i. 191,321.

[18] Blaikie, pp.46, 68.

[19] The Lyon in Mourning, i. 88; Home, p.384.

[20] Blaikie, pp.46,47.

[21] “They hesitate” and “the rest of the Macdonalds” are understood to refer to the whole clan, not to Keppoch’s command.

[22] The dirk blade has since been found.

[23] The place-names are Keilachomet = Killachonate or Kilachonat; Auchlorach = Achluachrach; Blairour = Blarour; Mackennier may be MacInnies.

[24] The Braes of Lochaber.

[25] The patronymic of the chief.

[26] Grave is used figuratively.